Considering Autism Spectrum Disorder in Females
Getting a diagnosis
Until recently, commonly used diagnostic criteria, such as
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM) and International Classification of Diseases (ICD), have not
considered sex differences at all (Gould and Ashton-Smith 2011; Lord et al. 1982). The updated DSM-5 criteria (American
Psychiatric Association 2013) show significant changes to the general criteria
for Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASDs) with the removal of independent diagnosis
for Asperger Syndrome and other changes to the required indicators. Also, there
is mention of sex differences for the first time: ‘In clinic samples females
tend to be more likely to show accompanying intellectual disability, which
suggests that girls without accompanying intellectual disability or language
delays may go unrecognized, perhaps because of subtler manifestation of social
and communication difficulties.’ (American Psychiatric Association 2013). Mandy
(2013) adds his own comment on the potential implications of this:
In this sense, the
architects of the DSM-5 have laid down a challenge to researchers: Provide an
account of the female phenotype, so that clinicians can learn to better
identify, and help, females on the autism spectrum [without an accompanying
intellectual disability]. (Mandy 2013)
The DSM-5 also includes the following new specifier,
which may assist the female cause: ‘C. Symptoms must be present in the early
development period (but may not become fully manifest until social demands
exceed limited capacities, or may be masked by learned strategies in later life’
(American Psychiatric Association 2013).
The explicit recognition that autism may not be ‘fully
manifest’ until life becomes unmanageable for an individual will, it is to be
hoped, aid those seeking adult diagnosis who may, up until now, have been told:
‘You can’t have autism; you would have been diagnosed by now if you did’.
Furthermore, the assertion that ‘learned strategies’ may be adopted, and the
inference that they should be considered as part of the evidence of potentially
autistic indicators, should aid more accurate diagnosis in both males and
females, but may have particular relevance to the documented masking abilities
of females.
The new DSM-5 criteria place a greater emphasis on
restricted, stereotyped behaviours being observed, yet some research has found
that females with ASD do not exhibit these behaviours to the same degree as
males, or at least not in the same way, which may exclude some females from
receiving a diagnosis of ASD (Mandy et al. 2012). Some
autism research professionals do not feel that non-gender-specific criteria are
necessarily in need of changing to better identify autism in females, but that
the onus must be on clinicians to interpret them accurately with a good
understanding of how autism may present in females. When training clinicians to
use the Diagnostic Interview for Social and Communication Disorders (DISCO)
assessment tool, Dr Judith Gould encourages clinicians to examine the data
gathered with a broader view:
The criteria relate to the
condition which are not gender specific. The point is how do clinicians
interpret the criteria rather than changing the criteria? […] The key is asking
the right questions and sadly that only comes from experience and knowledge
about the female presentation of the condition. Educating professionals as we do
in our diagnostic training is one of the ways forward. (Gould 2014)
Current diagnostic tests and tools do not consider
sex differences and only follow the diagnostic requirements as laid down by the
DSM criteria. Frazier (2014) suggests that sex-specific
norms for some diagnostic processes might be helpful. The teaching of these
methods should provide gender-differentiated examples to give new clinicians the
breadth of the presentation of the autistic profile. This book attempts to do
the same by providing first-hand and professional examples of how autism shows
itself in and affects females.
The diagnostic process itself takes on a number of forms
depending on the age and/or intellectual ability of the individual and the
culture of the diagnostic service or clinician. There is no definitive test for
autism and no standard way of carrying out an assessment. The outcome of the
diagnostic assessment has a subjective element and is based on the quality and
quantity of evidence gathered and the experience and opinion of the clinician or
clinicians involved. This explains why the knowledge and experience of the
clinician are essential both in asking the right questions to elicit the
necessary data and in interpreting that data to provide an accurate outcome –
processes that are particularly relevant in the case of females. Eileen
Riley-Hall (2012) provides a detailed account of the diagnostic process (in the
US) that she went through with her two daughters. Following the diagnosis,
professionals should have good knowledge of local referral points for services
and links to information about understanding the diagnosis for both the
individual and their family members. Diagnosis is only the beginning of the
journey, not the end.
As previously mentioned, females are significantly less
likely to receive a diagnosis than males (Giarelli et
al. 2010; Russell et al. 2011), and by using
current diagnostic methods, some females may ‘look’ less autistic, but not actually ‘be’ or ‘feel’ any less autistic (Lai et al. 2011). Girls and boys may be identified for
diagnostic assessment at a similar age, but boys are more likely to receive an
autism diagnosis whereas girls may receive a different diagnosis despite both
sexes displaying markers/signs clinically associated with autism (Giarelli et al. 2010). It may be that clinicians who are expecting
autism to be more common in males are attributing certain behaviours to autism
in boys and attributing the same behaviours to different conditions in girls.
Equally, it may be that clinicians are expecting males and females with autism
to behave in the same way, even though boys’ and girls’ behaviour is not
considered to be identical in the typically developing population (McCarthy
et al. 2012; Ruigrok et al.
2014). Head, McGillivray and Stokes (2014) studied social and emotional skills
in males and females with autism and compared them to those in typically
developing peers aged 12–16 years. They found that females with autism scored
higher than males with autism, and at a similar level to typically developing
males, but lower than typically developing females. They concluded that this
could partly explain the potential under-diagnosis of females as social
presentation is not currently gender-differentiated in the diagnostic criteria.
They suggest that if a female with autism presents as more highly functioning
than a male with autism, their abilities may appear superficially typical (and
similar to that of a typical male) and therefore not be considered as notable if
the clinician is using the male autistic social skills profile.
In children without an autism diagnosis, it is more common
for girls to receive diagnoses of general developmental delay or seizure
disorder – staring spells and seizure-like activity were five times more
commonly diagnosed in girls than in boys (Giarelli et
al. 2010). Kopp and Gillberg (1992) report seeing many girls in their
centre who ‘do not clinically present the picture usually associated with
autistic disorder’ (p.90). These girls fulfil the criteria in childhood, but as
they mature they present a considerably different profile to their male
counterparts. Kopp and Gillberg (1992) suggest that some clinicians do not
believe that these adult women could ever have fitted the full autistic profile
earlier in life. A potential factor in these girls
not presenting sufficiently to receive a positive diagnosis may be that the
diagnostic criteria do not require responses to be made within a given
time-frame. One of the noted issues for girls with autism is the length of time
it takes them to respond socially – they may get there in the end, but are
noticeably slower than same-age peers (Nichols, Moravcik and Tetenbaum 2009). Clinicians’ attention can be diverted by the
presentation of other co-morbid mental health conditions in teenage and adult
life – conditions such as anorexia and anxiety disorders, which may be part of
the autism profile but may not lead automatically to considering autism as the
causal factor (Kopp and Gillberg 1992; Simone 2010). W. Lawson (1998) describes
how it took 25 years to be diagnosed with Asperger Syndrome after being wrongly
diagnosed with schizophrenia. The majority of the women participants questioned
for this book had experienced years of mental health difficulties (mainly
anxiety) and interventions before receiving an autism diagnosis.
[It took] five years or so to finally pinpoint the
condition after I scored highly positive in a preliminary written questionnaire
regarding AS [Asperger Syndrome]. The difficulty came in my other issues
obfuscating the root cause of my behaviourisms. I’ve been called anywhere from
bipolar to schizophrenic and have had medication provided thusly to combat those
symptoms. (Woman with autism)
I have been misdiagnosed most of my life, including
hearing doctors tell my mother that I had emotional problems, that I was trying
to get attention, that I had nervous problems or that I was neurotic. Later I
was diagnosed with learning disabilities in high school. In college, a doctor
who initially thought I was psychotic eventually diagnosed me as having Severe
Neurosis with Schizoid tendencies. (Woman with autism)
Nichols et al. (2009)
suggest that routes to eventual autism diagnosis for a female can include the
following steps, and that a fuller knowledge and understanding of these can aid
the clinician in considering autism when assessing
the person and can potentially facilitate more accurate diagnosis:
•Previous diagnosis of another
disorder or several disorders, including Attention Deficit Hyperactivity
Disorder (ADHD), anxiety, depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, eating
disorder. Nichols et al. suggest that the older the
girl, the more diagnoses she is likely to have collected.
•A diagnosis of social anxiety or
general difficulty in social situations.
•Adult women with a previous
diagnosis of schizophrenia or psychotic disorder.
•Another family member has an ASD
diagnosis.
•Presentation or apparent
deterioration of capacity to cope as adolescence approaches, where social
relationships become more nuanced and complex.
•In adolescence, girls may not
demonstrate typically ‘female’ social interests, such as fashion and
relationships.
The process of change for the individual begins with
diagnostic measures and how clinicians are implementing them. If the tools are
not accurate in identifying girls, then clinicians will have a hard job
accurately assessing them. It has been suggested that sex-specific behavioural
or cognitive autism diagnostic criteria may be necessary to accurately reflect
the true sex ratio (e.g., Lai et al. 2011). Until the
time when new criteria are developed that encompass female ASD, clinicians will
have to fill in the gaps themselves, by developing a broader understanding of
what to look for and who to listen to. Tony Attwood has developed a Screening
Test for parents to support identification of girls with autism (Attwood 2013).
The questions focus on specifically female presentations of autism, such as
gender toy preference, fantasy worlds and relationships with both people and
animals. The test is used as part of a broader diagnostic assessment and at
least begins to ask the right questions of parents in order to build a more
accurate female profile. Marshall (2014) has
developed (and continues to do so) a list of characteristics commonly seen in
women and girls with autism. Parents are not always experts in autism and will
not know what relevant information to present during a diagnostic assessment. It
is the clinician’s role to prompt parents’ recall in specific areas. Many of the
questions asked in the Attwood screening test are not those commonly associated
with male autism and are therefore not elements that a parent would necessarily
think worthy of mentioning.
Gould and Ashton-Smith (2011) also outline a number of key
differences in autistic features between girls and boys and recommend a broader
view of the diagnostic classification to be taken by clinicians. Items such as
increased interest in reading fiction and immersing themselves in fantasy worlds
(with set rules that can be followed) are mentioned as needing special
consideration. It could be said that no clinician should diagnose (or rule out
diagnosis of) autism in females without reference to sex-specific diagnostic
materials such as these. It is to be hoped that, in the future, formalised
diagnostic tools will become widespread, but in the meantime clinicians must
make informed judgements and adjustments to existing tools where necessary. An
inexperienced clinician’s ‘tick box’ approach to the autism diagnostic criteria
may be very harmful to individuals with a different behavioural profile. An
extensive knowledge of autism and face-to-face experience of a significant
number of women with autism are necessary. Reading autobiographies, blogs,
watching YouTube videos made by women with autism, and spending a day or two at
a special school or women’s support group, will all help to build the real-life
knowledge essential to be a competent clinician.
The neurobehavioural team [Asperger Syndrome diagnostic
service] only takes referrals from consultant psychiatrists in the mental health
team, and the mental health team didn’t understand autism so wouldn’t refer me
as they thought that autism was only so-called ‘classic’ autism and didn’t
understand that it was a spectrum. (Woman with autism)
Assuming an obvious
physical presentation of ASD in a female (or indeed in anyone) may be the first
mistake made by an inexperienced clinician. A full picture of childhood
behaviours, self-reports and cognitive assessments should form part of the
process. As a woman with autism, my own outward observable behaviour in a
structured interview situation would not necessarily lead anyone to believe that
I have autism, although I can articulate my experience as a person with autism
very clearly. There can be a tendency to ignore family and self-reporting, and
for the clinician to prioritise what they can ‘see’. It is essential to listen
to what people say and not make assumptions based on their appearance and
presentation. In my professional work, providing non-clinical assessments for
individuals who suspect they may have autism, it is extremely rare to find a
person who is incorrect about themselves. If an adult has been brought for an
assessment by a partner or family member who suspects they have autism, a higher
incidence of negative assessment is seen, but when the person investigates and
instigates the process themselves, they are usually correct. I don’t say this
because I am personally seeking to increase the numbers of the autistic
population in order to claim world dominance; it is because people do not seek
out diagnosis lightly. They have done their research and come to their
conclusion solidly before approaching anyone for a diagnosis. As professionals,
we must be respectful of the fact that these people are generally not
time-wasters. They have more knowledge of themselves – and often their condition
– than we do. When they seek diagnosis, frightening comments of professional
ignorance are reported: ‘[UK state diagnostic service] were a disaster – openly
admitted they didn’t understand autistic girls’ (Eaton 2012, p.11), and ‘[…] the
psychologist told me she didn’t know girls could get it [autism]’ (Eaton 2012,
p.11).
We moved to The Netherlands two years later and she was
eventually diagnosed with Asperger Syndrome there at the local Children’s
Hospital. We thought the Dutch were very liberal and forward thinking but they,
to our horror, suggested that A would be better off institutionalised! (Parent
of girl with autism)
Increasing the autism
education of professionals and clinicians working at all points along the
diagnostic and support route has to be the number one priority. In many cases,
sadly, this is the stumbling block to accurate diagnosis and appropriate
support. A study of mental health professionals in one region of England found
that 79 per cent of people rated their own knowledge of autism as ‘limited’ or
‘fair’, and 59 per cent said that they had not received any autism training
within the past two years. The same study asked service users with autism for
their perceptions of Mental Health Services and found that only 17 per cent felt
that staff understood their needs relating to having autism and only 23 per cent
were satisfied with the mental health support they received (Impact Initiatives
et al. 2013). Even those who had a positive experience
in the end often appeared to have overcome an obstacle course to get there.
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